Rules are made to be broken, though. Maybe you want some space around the portion of food you're photographing. If that's the case, by all means, use a larger plate for the negative space around the food.
We've all heard the phrase "rules are made to be broken." After all, it's practically become the mating call of fictional rebels and cheaters the world over. In the world of storytelling, however, that adage doesn't describe a rebel's motto so much as a fundamental truth:
Sometimes Rules Are Made to Be Broken
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See also Tempting Fate and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy, both tropes in which talking about something causes it (or its opposite) to happen. For In-Universe cases where the characters believe rules are made to be broken, see Not Cheating Unless You Get Caught.
Family rules help children understand what behaviors are okay and not okay. As children grow, they will be in places where they have to follow rules. Following rules at home can help children learn to follow rules in other places. It is normal for children to break rules and test limits. Consistent follow through with consequences when rules are broken help your child have a clear understanding about the importance of rules. Remember, young kids sometimes break rules because they simply forget. Not all broken rules occur because kids are testing the limits. But, our responses should be the same no matter what the reason for breaking the rule.
Avengers: Endgame was the culmination of more than 10 years and more than 20 movies of ongoing story. What made the Marvel Cinematic Universe so unique was the way that it brought comic book style continuity to the big screen. The MCU has rules that tend to be important from one movie to the next. Of course, sometimes, rules are made to be broken.
Lines that separate traffic that moves in opposite directions are yellow. There may be two lines between lanes and lines can be solid or broken. Read Chapter 6 for the rules on how to pass other vehicles.
As part of this confrontational but narrowly focused approach, the AFL tried to avoid involvement in broad-based political organizations, especially at the national level. They feared that political activity might divide their unions in a context in which the nation's electoral rules and the history of the two dominant political parties made it highly unlikely that workers could form their own political party. Believing that the political activism of the Knights of Labor, and especially the frequent disagreements between craft unions and various groups of socialists within the organization, had contributed to its downfall, the AFL kept anarchists and Marxists at a distance, and treated any claims they made with suspicion (Shefter 1994, p. 156). But as the union leaders expected, the employers nonetheless continued to resist the union pay scales, elaborate work rules, and apprenticeship limits that skilled craft workers wanted to retain in the workplace. This is important to underline for those new to thinking about rough and tumble power struggles, because it shows that employers' primary concern was full control of the workplace and the greatest possible profits, not fear of socialist ideas. In addition, the employers increasingly sought to speed up the labor process with new forms of work organization (e.g., Zieger and Gall 2002, pp. 27-28). They also employed growing numbers of unskilled immigrant laborers at lower wages in order to take advantage of the new machines and other technologies that were becoming available.
Despite its ability to achieve strong majorities in both the House and the Senate, the liberal-labor alliance could not overcome the filibuster sustained by most Republicans, virtually all Southern Democrats, and Democratic senators from the right-to-work states of Nebraska and Nevada. They were bolstered in their efforts by the full support of Business Roundtable lawyers, who provided 65 time-consuming amendments and an Employee Bill of Rights that were introduced for debate. Along the way, organized labor offered further compromises, exempting even more businesses, but the filibuster still could not be broken. The bill was recommitted to the Senate Committee on Human Resources for further review in late June, never to emerge again. The corporate community won, but it did so with a minority vote by the conservative coalition in the Senate. As political scientists Taylor Dark (2001, pp. 111-113) and Tracy Roof (2011 p. 161) rightly stress, this fact is often overlooked by those who say that organized labor lost all of its political power in the 1970s,. In fact, the liberal-labor alliance won 58% of the vote in the House and 59% in the Senate, which would be more than enough in a society in which the majority rules.
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